概念与早期争论
海德(1958)认为,人们解释行为原因的方式可能掺杂自身的愿望。米勒与罗斯(1975)在考察成功归己、失败归外的倾向时主张,失败外归的证据较弱,许多结果也可以用比较预期与实际结果等认知过程来解释。朱克曼(1979)回顾38项研究予以反驳,认为成败归因的差异反映了维护自尊的动机。罗斯与西科利(1979)显示了“自我中心偏差”:夫妻或合作者在共同成果中都会把自己的贡献记得更大,并将部分原因归于记忆的可得性。
元分析与文化差异
坎贝尔与塞迪基德斯(1999)的元分析表明,在自我受到威胁的情境下,例如在重要任务中失败时,自利性偏差会更大。梅祖利斯等(2004)综合266项研究报告,自利性偏差在整个生命周期中都很显著,在童年和老年尤为强烈,而在抑郁者身上较弱。同一分析中,亚洲样本的偏差小于美国样本。海涅与浜村(2007)总结认为,东亚人的自我提升倾向一贯弱于西方人。泰勒与布朗(1988)提出这类“积极错觉”可能有助于心理健康和维持动机,引发了争论。
组织与经济中的自利性偏差
贝特曼与韦茨(1983)分析美国企业年报发现,管理层倾向于把好业绩归功于公司的战略与努力,把坏业绩归咎于经济形势或政府监管等外部环境。在斯文森(1981)的调查中,大多数司机认为自己的驾驶技术高于平均水平,这与过度自信偏差相关。巴布科克等(1995)的谈判实验显示,拿到相同案件材料、分别扮演原告和被告的参与者,对公平和解金额的判断都偏向自己,且差距越大,谈判越容易破裂。谢泼德、马隆与斯威尼(2008)从动机、认知和自我呈现三个方面梳理了自利性偏差的成因。该概念常与基本归因错误、行动者-观察者偏差和动机性推理一并讨论。
常见问题
- 怎样简单理解自利性偏差?
- 考好了觉得“是我努力的结果”,考砸了就说“题目出得有问题”。好结果归功于自己,坏结果归咎于他人或情境。
- 自利性偏差在所有文化中都一样吗?
- 不一样。元分析显示,它在美国等西方样本中更强,在东亚样本中相对较弱。其大小还会随年龄、抑郁程度和任务重要性而变化。
来源核查日期:2026-10-26
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